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There is little information on casualties and costs of the operations, with the Kenyan press preferring upbeat coverage of the war in the early months. The recent London Conference on Somalia was sponsored by Britain. That is the distinguishing factor. In the case of East Africa; inthe British government was given a coastal strip of 10 miles by the Sultans of Zanzibar.

The authoritarian origins of well-organized opposition parties: This is an enemy that increasingly will use images of Muslim economic deprivation, political marginalization, and social oppression to call its followers to arms.

Gaidi Mtaani Issue 8.

When Kenya decided to invade Somalia, it got herself into the list of the countries that are fighting Islam. Gaidi Mtaani demonstrates that Al-Shabaab and Al-Hijra can claim to be among the most technically competent and media-savvy of Islamist organizations.

The Kenyans progressed to within five kilometres of Afmadow five days into the invasion, where they later linked up with Madobe’s Ras Kamboni forces and the Somali National Army SNA in early November, but it would be several months before they finally wrenched the town from Al-Shabaab control. The land they farm extends far beyond the original scheme, many of the settlers having bought additional acreages: But then Kenya’s President Kenyatta declared that the attack had nothing to do with Al-Shabaab, but was the product of local politics.

This area is controlled by Al-Shabaab, which taxes the trucks leaving Badade at Buula Xaaji checkpoint. It is believed the battle was triggered when members of the Recce Unit sought to prevent KDF soldiers looting. Sign In or Create an Account. The IPOA confirms that investigations are now under way into mistreatment and bribery connected with the operation.


Evidence of blowback III: Later we saw British and American companies sign a contract to mine oil in Puntland. Shortly after the KDF entered the mall, one of them shot and killed a Recce Unit officer at close range. Today the same gxidi is happening in Somalia where they are assisting to cast down Islam that is defended by al-Shabbab.

As mtaan unfolded, the response of the Kenyan security forces appeared muddled and uncoordinated. The basis that Kenya used to start the attack was not sufficient to justify its attack yaidi al-Shabbab, but was part of the wider scheme of the influence of the unbelievers kafir of the Western world. The final EU gajdi allowed for the payment of 4, Kenyan soldiers from 2 June Mombasa’s Muslim leaders admit they struggle to control the younger elements, alienated by years of discrimination and marginalization within Kenya.

As a consequence, it remains unclear how many attackers there were and whether some escaped. Close mobile search navigation Article navigation. When, in MayMadobe declared himself head of a new Jubaland state, claiming to have local support, Mogadishu refused to recognize his claim — seeing these events as nothing more than clan factionalism.

Capitalism, socio-cultural change and fraud in Uganda.

New issue of Ḥarakat al-Shabāb al-Mujāhidīn’s magazine: “Gaidi Mtaani Issue 9″

Intelligence gathered in early suggested that Al-Shabaab’s 5,strong militia was still largely intact and fully operational, that they had stockpiled weapons in anticipation of mounting a retaliatory assault once international forces had reduced in intensity, and gaidii the loss of Kismayo made no difference to their capacity to function in southern Somalia.

There have also been several unexplained killings of prominent Muslim activists, and it is widely alleged that the ATPU are behind these actions, perhaps supported by external security agencies.

The implication of our analysis, discussed in the concluding section, is that Al-Shabaab is reinventing itself to exploit the wider sense of economic and social grievance amongst Kenya’s disadvantaged Muslim populations in its north-eastern and coastal provinces. In all of these political manipulations clan politics have been to the fore, shaping the actions of all parties, including Mogadishu and the Ethiopians.


This is a natural and easy home for Al-Shabaab, where disaffection from the Kenya state amongst the local population is swelled by large numbers of refugees — ntaani least theSomalis in Dadaab. Gaidi Mtaani, Issue 1.

New issue of the magazine: “Gaidi Mtaani Issue 8″

UN, Monitoring Grouppp. The slum area of Majengo, and the neighbouring Gikomba market, both close to Nairobi’s Eastleigh district, are centres of Al-Hijra’s recruitment activities. The military withdrawal from southern Somalia will no longer bring this war to an end: This has been elaborated with greatest clarity by Matt Bryden. Many vessels discharging legal cargoes at Mogadishu afterwards docked in Kismayo to load illegal charcoal, to avoid returning from the Somali coast unladen.

New issue of Ḥarakat al-Shabāb al-Mujāhidīn’s magazine: “Gaidi Mtaani Issue 9″

Gaidi Mtaani, Issue 2. The Americans doubted that such a mission could be successful, and anyway preferred other, more indirect approaches to the Al-Shabaab problem. Taxes were paid to Al-Shabaab in this trade also. The case of Mulle and other captives, Al-Shabaab may set them free unconditionally, kill them or set them free on conditions just the way they have said that they will release him and others on condition that the Kenyan government withdraws the KDF.

A message from a KDF captive in Somalia. The article begins with a review of Operation Linda Nchi, which saw the Kenyans capture the port of Kismayo.

Since the Kenyan capture of the port, new charcoal supplies have flooded in, mostly from the Badade district along the Kenya border.